The United States Supreme Court struck down Louisiana’s Congressional district maps last week, setting off a wave of redistricting sessions in legislatures across the South.  Louisiana is in a court-ordered situation as their map was specifically ruled unconstitutional. Alabama had a pending case, and their Governor has already called for a special session of as well to remedy the map according to the SCOTUS decision.

Tennessee has elected to do the same, with Texas and Florida having already completed redraws.  On the other side, Virginia and California have completed partisan redraws this year – both having to ram through changes to their constitution to add Democratic seats.  Virginia’s process and map has been declared unconstitutional by a state judge, with the resolution to the changes pending before their state Supreme Court.

“Gerrymander” has become partisans favorite word when one of the states they are aligned with perform it, and an unfair anathema when they’re on the opposite side.  Those trying to make sense of talking heads making opposite arguments for and against, but always using the word “fairness” to apply to their side. 

Too often the benchmark for “fairness” rests on who started it. New York redrew maps in 2024 to gain more seats for the Democrats. Illinois has had maps that look as if drawn by Rorschach himself for decades. All of New England wildly overrepresents Democrats by population, though Republicans posting their map on social media should quit highlighting Vermont (with its one Congressional district) as evidence of systematic gerrymandering for obvious reasons.

The people appealing to your sense of fairness want you to be motivated and/or shamed by it. They have no interest in holding themselves or their party to the same standard. 

Reapportionment – the act of redrawing districts – is not about fairness. It’s the most raw act of power you can witness from a legislative body. It is where friends will metaphorically stab friends in the front because there’s little time to arrange a clandestine back stabbing. Those who have power want to keep it or expand it. Those who do not will exploit every angle to attain it.

Georgians are currently voting for member of Congress using maps drawn by the same restrictions stuck down in the Louisiana case. There is a lot of pressure from segments of the Republican party and their griftersphere to force Governor Brian Kemp to cancel the ongoing election, call a special session, redraw maps, and start the process over.  

There is little chance this is going to happen. It’s something that Governor Kemp has already ruled out for this year. It’s not even clear the Governor has this power under Georgia’s Constitution.

Votes have already been cast. Throwing out legally cast votes for a do-over isn’t something courts are likely to mandate as a remedy. 

Most of those who immediately called for the Governor to cancel elections and immediately redraw maps are candidates for statewide office, including some (but not all) of the current candidates for Governor and Lieutenant Governor. 

When voters hear red meat being thrown to the base, they often see the first order operation, say “yeah, they’re appealing to their people” and move on.  Hyper-partisans don’t care as much about communities of interest as they do larger majorities.  Appealing to the base with rhetoric that isn’t legally or logistically possible sends a signal that they’re on the right side, and costs them nothing.

A special session would require five legislative days for a bill to be introduced and pass both chambers. Candidates for statewide office who are currently state elected officials cannot raise money when the legislature is in session. 

Not only would a special session upset the election currently underway, but would halt last minute fundraising if done “immediately” as several have requested. Those self-funding their campaigns would have a clear advantage over those still trying to fund their last minute get out the vote ads.  This would affect those incumbents trying to win their legislative seats in addition to the statewide races. 

Those seeking maximum advantage with weirdly drawn maps may also end up losing it all. Few in Georgia media want to remind you what happened the last time Democrats were in charge of redrawing Georgia’s congressional and legislative maps.  House members in Republican areas were drawn into multimember districts. Senate districts in rural areas connected remote parts of the state with land bridges several hundred yards wide. A Congressional district ran from suburban east Atlanta to Savannah, with others having zig zag shapes through towns and counties segregating neighbors based on party, and on race.

The statewide election that year yielded the first partisan flip of state control since Reconstruction. Some credit the flag issue. Some cite angry teachers. But in a race decided by a slim margin, every disaffected voter can claim they were the reason.

Normal Georgians rejected the sacrifice of their communities of interest to maintain partisan power. When Republicans do eventually meet to address redistricting concerns, they would be wise to balance partisan desires with the will of local communities.